Parasites In The Lands Of The Infidels

Egypt’s Resilient and Evolving Social Activism

Why did Trump strike Syria?

In an interview, Amr Adly discusses his recent Carnegie paper on Egypt’s large private enterprises.

It’s Time to Take a Hard Look at the U.S. Relationship With Egypt

As we work to eradicate ISIS, Iraq's Christians, Yizidis need our help now more than ever

Should America’s Refugee Policy Put Persecuted Christians First?

Muslims Were Banned From the Americas as Early as the 16th Century

Review: ‘I Am Not Your Negro’ Will Make You Rethink Race

Inside Trump’s shadow national security council

Turkey in Transition (?): Before and After the Attempted July Coup

Trump Signs Executive Order Curbing Obamacare

Lion's Den :: Daniel Pipes Blog


Aid in reverse: how poor countries develop rich countries

35 Entrepreneurs Making a Difference in the Arab World

Trump could cause ‘the death of think tanks as we know them’

The Arabs had a country

The Islamic State is attaining its key goal, and U.S. media find the story of “limited interest

While the Muslim Brotherhood gets all the ink, the Salafists go on a rampage.

Egypt, I like your style

The warning bells are ringing

To the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces

A test for the Muslim Brotherhood

Egypt’s changing foreign policy

Egypt beyond Mubarak

The dissolution of the NDP

Remaking Cairo from below

Why Egypt should join the ICC

No citizenship without social justice

Mubarak's message

A new era for US-Egypt relations?

The old regime must be prosecuted

Revolution Interrupted? Liberating the media

The Brotherhood on the edge of reform


Buying the People’s Assembly

What do Salafis really want?

A state of counter-emergency

Minimum wage a cure for 'corruption'

Beyond the referendum

Reform security, secure reform

The Tunisian Revolution: Initial Reflections

The Egyptian Revolution: First Impressions from the Field

Lest the revolution turn into a wasted opportunity

The U.S. Should Not Get Involved in Libya

Five positions on the revolution

Urbanised Islam behind Pakistan's Sufi shrine bombings

Rethinking Internal Security in Egypt

Leo Strauss and the Grand Inquisitor

Push ahead now for a solution in Palestine

The Ongoing Attacks on Egypt’s Coptic Christians


Saudi Arabia and the Spectre of Protest

America Quiet on the Execution of Afghan Christian Said Musa

Egypt’s Copts in Al-Qaeda’s Sights

The Worldwide Danger of Religious Fundamentalism

Tread Softly



The global force behind Mumbai’s agony is in our midst

Some Discussions about Qur’an, Violence and Fitnah

Terror in the Name of God

The Adventure of an Islamic Reformer at Oxford, London, and Istanbul

Thank God for Justice

Using C hristian Principles to Enhance Economic Theory and Practice:

Worldwide Hate Speech Laws?

Freedom Agenda In Flames

Commentary: Candidates should seek votes of Muslim-Americans

Why Barack is Winning?

Indian Muslims and 'Terrorism': Some Searching Questions

Taqlid, Ijtihad, and Democracy

Election 08: Senator Obama, American Muslims and IslamophobiaStatement of Concerned Scholars about I

Struggling against sectarianism: Shia-Sunni ecumenism

“Happy Eid” from Turkey

Book Review: Islam in Post-Modern World

The Concept of Jihad in Islam

Downhill in Afghanistan:

> How Not to Toast a Tyrant

How Not to Toast a Tyrant

Manufacturing 'Terrorists' The Indian Way

Madrasas: Reforms a Must


Fort Lauderdale's Anatolia Cultural Center endeavors to 'show the real Islam'

The Balance of Tomorrow:

Book Review: Aurangzeb Revisited

America wants Iraq’s last drop of oil

Terrorising Muslims in the Name of Countering Terrorism

A proposal for new Iraqi/US co-operation and a suggestion of how this can be achieved

How will the Georgian struggle affect Iraq?

Is Obama a man of action as well as words?

Can moderate Iraqis believe Obama’s promises?

Can Iraq be ruled successfully by a Shia/Kurdish coalition?

Name of the Book: Issues in Madrasa Education in India

Dangerous Portents in Jammu and Kashmir: A View From Doda

London School of Islamics

Rethinking Kashmir Politics

Norman G. Kurland, J.D

Sir Salman Rushdie's fatwa against freedom of expression

You Still Can't Write About Muhammad

Muslim Women: The Dangerous Triangle

Judeo-Christian "Rights of Liberty" (and Muslim "Rights of Justice," as well ???)

Turkey's dangerous message to the Muslim world

Captive to a Discarded Cause

Egypt's sexual harassment 'cancer'

The Origins and Legacy of the Movement to Fight Religious Persecution


A secular state must deliver

“Islamic Economics” – Islam less, economics more-1

Exploiting the Muslim- Jewish divide is the wrong way to win votes.

How To Win The War Of Ideas (Glassman, WSJ)

The Olympic Games—Political Games?

Me without my Hijab

The changing face of American Islam

An Islamic case for a secular state

Getting a read on moderation


Muslim Ghettoisation

Hurting their cause

Allah's Miracles in the Qur'an

Allah's Miracles in the Qur'an

Things are calm, time to talk

Awaiting China ’s implosion

The view from Bali

Why Blame Muslims Alone for Terrorism?

Consequences of Religious Extremism and the Lack of Democratic Principles

Cultural Accumulation and Modern Reading

Liberation Without War

Gaza's New Residents: Terrorists from all over.

Turkey in radical revision of Islamic texts

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Europe , America ..Wake up..Now .. ! - 1
Our Views on the Big Bang Theory, Homosexuality, and the Darwinist Evolution Theory
Fatwas: Part Twenty-Eight
Quranic Terminology: (Ilhad – Root: l/h/d)
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Iran's 'Think Tank' Outreach
Immigrating to the USA (2)
Stop Abusing Islam
From a friend in Israel:
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Which Group Does Harbor More Enmity Towards Prophet Muhammad: the Egyptian Coptic Christians or the Extremists among the Muhammadans?
Paradise Is Neither Faraway Nor Too Easy to Attain
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The Brotherhood on the edge of reform

  by: : Ashraf El-Sherif


Many argue that Egyptian Islamism has lagged behind its counterparts in Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, Yemen and other relatively “peripheral” Arab countries, where Islamist movements have been marked by organizational and ideological innovation. While this is not a far-fetched assessment, Islamism in Egypt may be undergoing a dramatic metamorphosis that will become more visible in the coming period

In the wake of the 25 January revolt, Egyptian Islamists are becoming more diversified in their ideological positions and their policy approaches. We can now talk about different shades of political Islam that look quite different from one another, and entertain the possibility of distinct trends emerging — Islamist leftists, Islamist libertarians, Islamist communitarians, and Islamist conservatives. Some Islamists now find in non-Islamist movements more attractive bedfellows than among their Islamist brethren.

Under Egypt’s newly emerging political system, a handful of new Islamist parties are likely to be formed. The Muslim Brotherhood alone may produce two or three parties. Salafists and other Islamic groups may have their own parties as well. The differences between them are genuine and together represent a new spectrum of Islamist politics.

Walking a tightrope is the Muslim Brotherhood. The conservative/reformist (or old guard/new guard) split that has divided the group for years is taking on a new form. Before the 25 January uprising, battle lines had been drawn between the two camps primarily on issues of decision-making, grassroots representation, the rotation of power, and the freedom to debate within the group. After the ouster of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, organizational contention within the Brotherhood still persists, but deeper antagonisms over actual policies are likely to prevail.

Brotherhood reformists are a loosely-defined group that includes political pundits, civil society workers, social media activists, and people involved in community service. Differences in age, social background and employment are superseded by their commitment to the values of political modernity and an open-minded approach to Islam.

The last five years of bickering and power-wrangling between conservatives and reformists left observers wondering if the reformists will have their own politics independent of the Brotherhood leadership’s designs. But there is no organized reformist bloc. The last one to emerge — which cut vertically across the group’s massive structure — broke away in 1996 to form the Al-Wasat party, which was finally licensed by a court decision earlier this year. At the present moment, there are reformist figures, ideas, sensibilities and supporters within the Brotherhood but nothing more. A long-overdue challenge facing reformist figures, like Abd al-Mone’m Abu al-Fetouh and Ibrahim al-Za’farani, is to create a political bloc out of these fragments.

The Al-Wasat party is an unlikely destination for Brotherhood reformists, despite their ideological similarities. Many of the Brotherhood rank and file who might opt for the reformist option in party politics are equally interested in remaining involved in the Brotherhood’s proselytizing and social activities. Given the uneasy and sometimes acrimonious relationship between the two parties over the past 14 years, joining the Al-Wasat party may not be an optimal choice. The reformist youth of the Brotherhood may prefer to have their own reformist party.

A new reformist party arising from within the ranks of the Brotherhood might bear ideological resemblances to the Moroccan Justice and Development party (PJD), which emerged out of the older Justice and Benevolence party. A new Islamist discourse on citizenship, good governance, development, human rights, gender and civic participation is already in the making as evidenced by the reformists’ ongoing deliberations online and in print. Such rumblings will be a coup-de-grace against the orthodox Brotherhood positions on these issues. Brotherhood reformists still have a long way to catch up with the PJD’s impressive party structures, parliamentary skills and electoral competence. Notwithstanding such gaps, one might ask if this is a question of time, particularly if we consider the possibility of the new socio-political base that the reformists are building.

Tapping into the socio-economic demands of Egypt’s disgruntled youth and the democratic aspirations of young middle class professionals (two groups at the heart of the 25 January revolt), Brotherhood reformists may shift towards the center-left of the political spectrum. They may find it timely to revive the populism of the late Adel Hussein’s Islamic labor party, which achieved some popularity in the 1980s and 90s by addressing the grievances of the urban poor, and at the same time liberalize its politics to accommodate the sensibilities of the Muslim yuppies. The outcome would be a party to the left of the PJD.

Brotherhood reformists would likely prioritize “soft politics” — community-development initiatives, human rights promotion and civil society organizations — over the talismanic imperatives of establishing an “Islamic state” and sharialaw. This would entail a decisive rupture with several existing traditions of Islamic knowledge, a process already started by independent Islamist intellectuals since the 1980s. No less importantly, bridges with non-Islamist liberal political groups and initiatives can be cemented to create a democratic front that transgresses identity politics. Popular Islamic preachers and their supporters, long preoccupied with self-development and morality at the expense of politics, may get on the reformist train as well.

It’s likely that the reformists’ ranks will swell in the coming period. The real challenge for them will be the intransigence of a conservative Brotherhood leadership that will remain determined to thwart the possibility of a more pluralist Islamist politics.