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Parasites In The Lands Of The Infidels

Egypt’s Resilient and Evolving Social Activism

Why did Trump strike Syria?

In an interview, Amr Adly discusses his recent Carnegie paper on Egypt’s large private enterprises.

It’s Time to Take a Hard Look at the U.S. Relationship With Egypt

As we work to eradicate ISIS, Iraq's Christians, Yizidis need our help now more than ever

Should America’s Refugee Policy Put Persecuted Christians First?

Muslims Were Banned From the Americas as Early as the 16th Century

Review: ‘I Am Not Your Negro’ Will Make You Rethink Race

Inside Trump’s shadow national security council

Turkey in Transition (?): Before and After the Attempted July Coup

Trump Signs Executive Order Curbing Obamacare

Lion's Den :: Daniel Pipes Blog

Ur-Fascism

Aid in reverse: how poor countries develop rich countries

35 Entrepreneurs Making a Difference in the Arab World

Trump could cause ‘the death of think tanks as we know them’

The Arabs had a country

The Islamic State is attaining its key goal, and U.S. media find the story of “limited interest

While the Muslim Brotherhood gets all the ink, the Salafists go on a rampage.

Egypt, I like your style

The warning bells are ringing

To the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces

A test for the Muslim Brotherhood

Egypt’s changing foreign policy

Egypt beyond Mubarak

The dissolution of the NDP

Remaking Cairo from below

Why Egypt should join the ICC

No citizenship without social justice

Mubarak's message

A new era for US-Egypt relations?

The old regime must be prosecuted

Revolution Interrupted? Liberating the media

The Brotherhood on the edge of reform

Brother-tarianism

Buying the People’s Assembly

What do Salafis really want?

A state of counter-emergency

Minimum wage a cure for 'corruption'

Beyond the referendum

Reform security, secure reform

The Tunisian Revolution: Initial Reflections

The Egyptian Revolution: First Impressions from the Field

Lest the revolution turn into a wasted opportunity

The U.S. Should Not Get Involved in Libya

Five positions on the revolution

Urbanised Islam behind Pakistan's Sufi shrine bombings

Rethinking Internal Security in Egypt

Leo Strauss and the Grand Inquisitor

Push ahead now for a solution in Palestine

The Ongoing Attacks on Egypt’s Coptic Christians

SAUDI ARABIA'S ECONOMIC NEEDS AND THE PRICE OF OIL

Saudi Arabia and the Spectre of Protest

America Quiet on the Execution of Afghan Christian Said Musa

Egypt’s Copts in Al-Qaeda’s Sights

The Worldwide Danger of Religious Fundamentalism

Tread Softly

RECLIMING WOMEN'S RIGHT TO DIVORCE IN ISLAM

HOW SHARIA LAW PUNISHES RAPED WOMEN Hasan Mahmud

The global force behind Mumbai’s agony is in our midst

Some Discussions about Qur’an, Violence and Fitnah

Terror in the Name of God

The Adventure of an Islamic Reformer at Oxford, London, and Istanbul

Thank God for Justice

Using C hristian Principles to Enhance Economic Theory and Practice:

Worldwide Hate Speech Laws?

Freedom Agenda In Flames

Commentary: Candidates should seek votes of Muslim-Americans

Why Barack is Winning?

Indian Muslims and 'Terrorism': Some Searching Questions

Taqlid, Ijtihad, and Democracy

Election 08: Senator Obama, American Muslims and IslamophobiaStatement of Concerned Scholars about I

Struggling against sectarianism: Shia-Sunni ecumenism

“Happy Eid” from Turkey

Book Review: Islam in Post-Modern World

The Concept of Jihad in Islam

Downhill in Afghanistan:

> How Not to Toast a Tyrant

How Not to Toast a Tyrant

Manufacturing 'Terrorists' The Indian Way

Madrasas: Reforms a Must

AZERBAIJAN-TURKEY-ISRAEL RELATIONS: THE ENERGY FACTOR

Fort Lauderdale's Anatolia Cultural Center endeavors to 'show the real Islam'

The Balance of Tomorrow:

Book Review: Aurangzeb Revisited

America wants Iraq’s last drop of oil

Terrorising Muslims in the Name of Countering Terrorism

A proposal for new Iraqi/US co-operation and a suggestion of how this can be achieved

How will the Georgian struggle affect Iraq?

Is Obama a man of action as well as words?

Can moderate Iraqis believe Obama’s promises?

Can Iraq be ruled successfully by a Shia/Kurdish coalition?

Name of the Book: Issues in Madrasa Education in India

Dangerous Portents in Jammu and Kashmir: A View From Doda

London School of Islamics

Rethinking Kashmir Politics

Norman G. Kurland, J.D

Sir Salman Rushdie's fatwa against freedom of expression

You Still Can't Write About Muhammad

Muslim Women: The Dangerous Triangle

Judeo-Christian "Rights of Liberty" (and Muslim "Rights of Justice," as well ???)

Turkey's dangerous message to the Muslim world

Captive to a Discarded Cause

Egypt's sexual harassment 'cancer'

The Origins and Legacy of the Movement to Fight Religious Persecution

LEBANON'S MILITIA WARS

A secular state must deliver

“Islamic Economics” – Islam less, economics more-1

Exploiting the Muslim- Jewish divide is the wrong way to win votes.

How To Win The War Of Ideas (Glassman, WSJ)

The Olympic Games—Political Games?

Me without my Hijab

The changing face of American Islam

An Islamic case for a secular state

Getting a read on moderation

RETHINKING THE REVOLUTION?

Muslim Ghettoisation

Hurting their cause

Allah's Miracles in the Qur'an

Allah's Miracles in the Qur'an

Things are calm, time to talk

Awaiting China ’s implosion

The view from Bali

Why Blame Muslims Alone for Terrorism?

Consequences of Religious Extremism and the Lack of Democratic Principles

Cultural Accumulation and Modern Reading

Liberation Without War

Gaza's New Residents: Terrorists from all over.

Turkey in radical revision of Islamic texts

From the Archive
The False Alarm of Evangelism
Legislation of Jihad in the Islam: -
The Spirit, rituals and politics of Ramadan
Dealing with Afghanistan
Fatwas Part Ninety-Two
THE DOCUMENTED JEWISH ROOTS OF SAUDI ROYAL FAMILY
Quranic Terminology: Wombs
Le destin de M. Ibn Salman et de son royaume saoudien
The Best of Hosts
Messengers and Prophets of Africa, China, India, the Two Americas, and Australia
Pieces of Advice Addressed to the Palestinians for the Fourth Time: The Victims of the Vociferous Devils
Job and Fellowship Listing
Democratization of Moslem Brotherhood
Prophet Muhammad – Peace Be upon him – Worked as a Merchant
Torture within Quranist Viewpoint (15): Preaching by Bringing News of Bliss or Torment
Reflections on the Death of Mohammed Taha Mohammed Ahmed
The Saudi Women Revolution Statment
The myth that MUST be exposed
Torture within Quranist Viewpoint (1): The Environment in which Torture Is Flourishing
Fatwas: Part Forty-Three
Yes.he is right - Hello I and my sister never known our biological father , we Grow up a... ......
Confused - its important to find someone to answer me asap,,, i am muslim (unti... ......
it is Halal - Asalam alakyum A question for Dr Sobhi Is it halal or haram to wor... ......
Beyond the referendum

  by: : H.A. Hellyer

 

The “Yes” camp in the Egyptian referendum for constitutional reform got 77 percent. The “No” vote got the rest. And now, things are about to get rough.

It's news to no one that Egypt is a diverse society. So, it's not very surprising that divisions between Egyptians had a lot to do with the vote’s outcome. At the polling station in Ma’adi where I cast my ballot, most people were advocating for “No”. But it was also clear they were generally from elite social backgrounds. Looking at the results, it was obvious that the “No” vote was strongest in certain districts of Cairo and Alexandria – but even in those two cities, the “No” crowd could not reach even 40 percent. And nationwide, it was less than 23 percent.

Now, the referendum is over, but the divisions remain. As Egypt moves towards parliamentary elections and the first constitution of a post-Mubarak Egypt, there are several things both “Yes” and “No” voters should consider. Under Mubarak, religion and politics were highly controlled and could only operate within closely defined parameters. Now that has changed, and Egyptians would be well advised to rethink how to move forward in their new political context.

1.    The Muslim Brotherhood is, whether people like it or not, a legitimate and significant force in this country. There are two corollaries to that. The first is that the Brotherhood must be brought into the political mainstream, which is still being constructed. The second is that it must be capable of accepting and responding to public criticism – and it should seek to address the mistrust that many, particularly minorities in this country (and I include the secular, liberal elite of Egypt, who are indeed a minority, both in class as well as liberalism), have of the Brotherhood. So far, it has not managed to do so – the Christians still fear it (probably because the Brothers have made it clear they would not nominate a Christian for the presidency, without much explanation as to why), and many liberal secularists are worried that the Brotherhood will turn this country into a Sunni Iran. These fears may or may not be well-grounded, but what’s clear is that they need to be addressed.

2.    The “No” crowd must now be honest with itself about why it lost. Many were tempted to blame the result on the Brotherhood and the Salafi preachers that persuaded their supporters that a “Yes” vote was for Islam and a “No” vote was against Islam. There is undoubtedly some truth to this claim. But far more importantly, the “No” crowd lost due to its lack of engagement with the majority of the population. Many liberals are now supporting an open war against their Islamist opponents. Even before the vote, fear-mongering about the Brotherhood was rife, with some liberals going so far as to deny the group played any role in the revolution. This does nothing for the liberal cause in Egypt. Tahrir Square was special because it was a place where all of Egypt was represented – that was its strength and its beauty.

3.    The “Yes” and “No” camps have to recognize that they both have a role in the future Egypt. The Brotherhood was repressed for decades by the previous regime. Moreover, the group has a long history of grassroots activity in Egypt. Their constituents will not forget how involved they have been in charitable services, syndicates and so forth – areas in which “No” voters have not been engaged. On the other hand, the “No” camp includes some of Egypt’s best intellectual resources that provided the spark for Tahrir Square.

4.    Both groups need to realize they have a common enemy: the remnants of the former ruling National Democratic Party, who are no doubt extremely happy to go about their business while their two most threatening foes fight against each other.

5.    Finally, the two camps have a vested interest in building a new Egypt that is freer and more pluralistic. For the sake of national unity, they should try to agree on a common platform. When elections do finally happen, those in parliament will have to reach out to people outside, particularly when it comes to drafting the new constitution. National dialogue must not be left to elected politicians, it should include as many sectors of society as possible. The democratic process may bring to the fore people who are the most organised and have the most money – but are not necessarily the most representative. For that reason, Egypt needs as many channels for dialogue as possible in the coming period that can give voice to different groups within its diverse society.

HA Hellyer is Fellow of the University of Warwick and the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. He currently resides in Cairo, and is writing a book on the Arab uprising. His website is www.hahellyer.com.